A UNIQUE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE

A UNIQUE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE
 Arundhati Dhuru
Tikamgarh is a rare inland district in India, located centrally in the Bundelkhand region of the Hindi heartland in Madhya Pradesh, with a large fisherfolk community. There are total of 1395 ponds in all in this district as per government records, with 612 ponds being under fishery and 100 being irrigation ponds. They are also famous for its Chandel period architecture. Once they met the irrigation and water needs of villages. Thousands of fisherfolks were also dependent on them. But today most of them exist only in village panchayat records. Most of them are now turned into wastelands, or used partially for irrigation needs by dominant interests in the villages. Due to siltation and total neglect once the pride of villages is now turned into dumping grounds. And fisherfolk community is the one, which is worst affected by ponds dying all over the area. Fisherfolk community have fishing rights over ponds through registered co-operative societies for which government issues a license on the recommendation of village panchayats. But most of these societies are controlled by vested interests. The powerful lobbies of villages act in the name of fishermen and most of the fishermen work as labourers earning pittance. They are dependent on these vested interests for loans, fishing nets, seedlings and during lean periods and as they do not have access to markets they end up getting much less than due to them.
An effort was made in Prithvipur and Jatara blocks of Tikamgarh district to get them organized to improve their livelihood opportunities and to get them better bargaining position in today’s capital intensive, highly globalised competitive market economy. The community organized themselves in loose network of committees. They started collective buying of fish seedlings and selling fish. Saving groups were started which played the role of informal credit societies thus reducing the dependence on creditors. This gave ample leverage to community who started reclaiming the ponds by organizing as political pressure groups. Through organized protests they were successful in getting few favorable policy changes at state and district level.
Women from the community played an important role in this experiment. Traditionally they perform the functions of cleaning and selling fish in the local markets (marketing to towns and trading is done by men). Women started their separate savings groups and excelled in them due to their inherent capacity to focus within family and community. They became owners of ponds totally controlled by women committees and thus became shareholders in the network. The community has saved more than Rs. 25 lakhs and are now in the process of forming federation to gain better access and control over markets, to get better livelihood opportunities.
The fisherfolk community felt that they have informal property right over ponds, which is a resource they are loosing and their livelihood and life depends on it. It was this justified sense of rightness which was the rallying point. The homogeneity and bonding of community along with women’s capacity to focus and nurture the family and community helped to strengthen the organization. The organization based on this arena of social assets was successful in providing viable option of livelihood. On about 100 ponds the fisherfolk are now politically organized in the name of ‘Achrumata Machuwara Sangathan’ to determine their own destiny. On 56 ponds the co-operatives elected to manage the ponds are controlled by the organization. This was of course not very easy. The elected members of the co-operative committees had to shielded from the powerful vested interests, which included Uma Bharati’s brother, so that they were not influenced by either fear or enticement before they elected their office bearers.
               They are buying their seedlings from as far away as Howrah and selling their produce at far away markets in Gorakhpur. During the last 4-5 years the income levels of fisherfolk families have gone up in the range of Rs. 4,000-Rs. 20,000 per family. The turnover in 2001 was Rs. 77 lakhs and on an average it is Rs. 30-35 lakhs per year. Earlier the land which used to be freed up because of drying up of ponds   was used by upper caste or powerful people for cultivation. Now, after getting organized, the fisherfolk have established their right over this land too and get an additional income from farming. Last year, for some families, the income from agriculture was more than from fishing. 
 
               The fisherfolk like to call this struggle of claiming their due rights over ponds and being in control of their own business as a struggle for independence. 58 years after the country became independent, some communities are getting a taste of what it means to be independent. And most of the communities around the country have yet to go through this process. They are still awaiting
their chance of getting a taste of their independence.
What is unique about this struggle at Tikamgarh is that it is taking place without the help of any established political party or any well known social or political activist leading it. It is the common fisherfolk, with a literacy rate of 2% in their community, who have achieved the miracle all by themselves.
There is a management committee of eleven people, with only two of them from outside as supporters in advisory role, which looks after the affairs of the organization. There is an organizational meeting on first day of every month with 1-2 members from cooperative committees for each of the pond attending it. Sub committees have been formed to take care of fishing net, sales, women’s issues, accounts, organizational matters and office-administration. The amount of maturity that the organization has acquired can be gauged from the fact that when UNICEF offered money for installing hand pumps in the area, the committees decided that they would rather take the money from UNICEF and build more ponds for themselves, which will provide water as well as create more opportunities for fishing. They made seven new ponds from this money.
Along with strengthening the organization, efforts for obtaining more rights from the administration are still going on. Recently there was a march through the area covering many ponds to raise awareness on a number of issues. The march ended in a rally of 3000 people in Tikamgarh on 21st September, 2005 and a public meeting. The fisherfolk are demanding more rights over their ponds. They don’t want people to be pumping out water from their ponds. They want the money for the maintenance of these ponds to be directly transferred to their co-operatives. Presently, there is a lot of embezzlement of these funds. They want the middlemen to stop siphoning off resources meant for them. The fisherfolk are demanding rights over other resources from the pond. They also want educational opportunities for their children and skill development programmes for the women so that they may further supplement their family incomes.
It is an amazing process of political-social-economic empowerment going on and the fisherfolk of Tikamgarh are setting an example for other marginalized and oppressed communities across the country to undertake their journey of independence through creative and courageous mobilization.

Arundhati Dhuru
By Arundhati Dhuru
A-893, Indira Nagar, Lucknow-226016, U.P., India
Telephone: 91-522-2347365, Mobile: 91-9415022772
e-mail: arundhatidhuru@yahoo.co.uk

(Note: The author is a consultant working on behalf of Oxfam to organize this community and is one of the two advisory members in the eleven member management committee to look after the affairs of well being of the community).

GHOSTS LIVE HERE

GHOSTS LIVE HERE

A ‘Pol-Khol’ yatra was organized from April 25th to 27th through several villages in the Narmada valley which face submergence as a result of the Sardar Sarovar Dam construction to expose the claims of the Government that everybody displaced has been resettled and rehabilitated. Medha Patkar, Madhya Pradesh MLA Dr. Sunilam, Swami Agnivesh and about a hundred activists from all over the country traveled from one village to another only to hear desolate voices and tales of negligence and corruption in the process of resettlement and rehabilitation. The frustration was aptly expressed by Shaira behen of Khalghat, ‘We will not leave our birth place. If uprooted we will prefer to live in makeshift slums over the main road and be ready to be overrun by the buses and trucks rather than move to the rehabilitation site.’

As you enter the village Chota Barda in the submergence area of the Sardar Sarovar Dam a banner welcomes you which says ‘This village has been deserted, it has been rehabilitated; The people who you see here are ghosts,’ put up by the villagers, all of whom still continue to live here even though the Government claims on paper that the village has been resettled. This banner conveys the tragedy and anguish of the people going to loose their land soon to the Sardar Sarovar Dam. Most of them have been left in lurch with little idea of what the future holds for them.

Almost all the guidelines for resettlement and rehabilitation as prescribed by Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal Award are being violated by the Narmada Valley Development Authority. There was not a single village in which people did not have complaint against the procedures being adopted by NVDA. Usually the rehabilitation sites are quite a distance away from the original village. It is especially a problem for fisherfolk and boatmen community whose livelihood depends on the river. If they are forced to move away from the river they will face a situation of displacement from their jobs too. Some people in Khalghat are being relocated 11 km away and in Ekalwara 6 km away. For the people whose livelihood depends on agriculture some of them are being given agriculture land quite far away from the resettlement sites. In one case a person from Ekalwara complained that his agricultural land was being given 85 km away from his to be residence.

According to NWDTA every adult son should get 2 hectares of land. But the authorities are telling the people that they will not rehabilitate two generations. They are usually ignoring the requests of adult sons for separate pieces of land and asking them to complain to Grievances Redressal Authority.

People are being given compensation for their houses and lands after surveys by the authorities. These surveys are being carried out in a high handed manner. In Chikhalda village the entire survey was carried out within 8 hours in the presence of 3000 police persons in an atmosphere of terror without any prior notice. Masoom behen from Khalghat complained that even though her house fell in the submergence area survey was not being carried out by the officials inspite of her repeated requests. In Dharampuri one of the two neighbouring household was being told that they fall in submergence whereas the other was being told that they do not. A road along with houses on one side was being shown to be falling in submergence whereas the other side was not. In Ekalwara people told that officials keep issuing arbitrary lists. Every list of houses falling in submergence is different from the previous ones with some families who were earlier being told that they would get submerged missing from the new list and new names being added who were earlier not in the submergence list. NVDA had earlier reported that at the height of 121 metres of the Sardar Sarovar Dam 31,000 families would be submerged but later it arbitrarily reduced this number to 23,000. The process of survey seems to be getting carried out in an adhoc manner.

Some people are blaming the Narmada Bachao Andolan for deliberately delaying the resettlement and rehabilitation process. However, a visit to the Narmada valley and listening to people’s woes will make it amply clear that rampant corruption in the bureaucracy in collusion with middlemen has complicated the matter beyond redemption. Recently 37 engineers and employees of NVDA Badwani office were suspended when they were found to be involved in a Rs. 9 crores scam related to false payments having been made without carrying out the desired development work at the rehabilitation sites. People being given compensation for their houses are being asked to pay upto 40% amount as commission. People in Awali complained that the Deputy Collector Solanki and Patwari Rawat were demanding Rs. 2000 from the first installment of Rs. 18,700 and Rs. 6000 from the second installment of Rs. 24,000 and totally gobbling up the third installment. Illegimate persons are withdrawing compensation in the name of real people who are getting displaced. The Village Sarpanch of Awali complained that there is no facility for drinking water, water for cattles, hospital, etc. at the rehabilitation site and it was impossible to live there.

The NVDA and the governments of M.P. and Gujarat are putting up a sham in the name of rehabilitation and cheating not only the people but also misleading the Supreme Court. They are spending money but most of it is being siphoned off in corruption and nobody seems to be concerned about that because right now it has become a matter of prestige for the governments to show that rehabilitation is being completed, even though it is on paper. Most of the people who were resettled from M.P. to Gujarat have preferred to go back to their original villages but on paper they probably continue to live in Gujarat.

The struggle of Narmada Bachao Andolan has gone on for 20 years in trying to stop the Dam. It may have to go on for another 20 years to ensure proper rehabilitation for everybody getting displaced by the Narmada Valley Development Project.

Dr Sandeep Pandey

(About the author: Dr Pandey was awarded Ramon Magsaysay Award for emergent leadership (2002), did his PhD in Mechanical Engineering, U.C., Berkeley, 1992 before heading back to India to become a social activist. Took out a 1500 km Global Peace March for nuclear disarmament from the Indian nuclear testing site Pokaran to Sarnath, a place where Gautam Buddha delivered his first sermon after attaining enlightenment, beginning 11th May and ending on 6th August, 1999. Presently with Program on Science & Global Security, Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University for 5 weeks. He can be contacted at: ashaashram@yahoo.com)

WHERE HAS THE MONEY COLLECTED TO BUILD RAM TEMPLE IN AYODHYA GONE?

WHERE HAS THE MONEY COLLECTED TO BUILD RAM TEMPLE IN AYODHYA GONE?

During my last visit in October 2005 to the US andCanada there was renewed propaganda against me by the right wingHindutva groups which have branded me as a terrorist or a naxalite.They even tried to unsuccessfully prevent my entry into the US byreporting to the airport authorities at San Francisco that I wasarriving on a particular day. On my second day at two meetings atStanford and in the Bay Area one or two people came to protest. Theywere shouting and distributing false information outside these events.They have even circulated an anonymous questionnaire for me overinternet asking me to clarify my stand on certain issues. In thisarticle I would like to examine the question as to what interest ofthe Hindutva groups am I hurting because of which they have to go after me in the US with a blatantly malicious campaign?

Who are these people who refuse to identify themselves?The person who was distributing fliers outside the Westin Hotel eventwould not reveal his name or that of his organization. He kept tellingme that I should dissociate myself completely from CPI(ML) because itwas a group that supported armed revolution. After having told himthat I did not support violence and only supported the pro-poor standsofthis party, when I asked this person to come and have a dialogue withme inside the Hotel he just kept repeating the accusations.

I invite my right wing friends to prove if I have everbeen involved in any violent action or have ever instigated a violentaction. Just because I attend some meetings of CPI(ML) doesn't meanthat I support violence. Guilt by association is not acceptable. Thereason I like to work with communist parties, even though I'm not amember of any party, is thatthey are among the very few parties in India which raise the issuesof poor and marginalized communities, a constituency that I share withthem because of my Gandhian orientation. I find that communist partiesare the only ones among the mainstream parties who are not just in thegame for acquiring political power by any means. They are less likelyto compromise on their ideological positions. They are the onesraising issues of land reforms and fighting to get land rights tolandless dalits. Sometimes these struggles get violent. I have onceseen activists of CPI(ML) at the receiving end of violence in BalliaDistrict of UP when they were taking out a procession of dalitlabourers against powerful landlord castes. Communist parties areprobably also the most honest ones when it comes to keeping accountsof their funds. And most importantly they are brave. In Siwan, Bihar,they are the only ones who can take on the powerful mafia don MPShahabuddin inspite of getting into quite violent situations at times.The activists of CPI(ML) are not cowards who prefer to remainanonymous, running slander campaign from the safe confines of USA. Ifour right wing friends think that they can scare people away in thename of communists they are mistaken. In India communist parties areplaying a very important role and ruling two very important states. CPM is in power in West Bengal for thelongest time any single party has held power anywhere in the countryand the left parties clearly have an important role in the running ofpresent UPA Government at the centre. CPM-CPI-RSP-Forward Bloc areexerting important influence on the Congress led Government to ensurethat it doesn't compromise on the interest ofcommon people of the country.

One allegation I face is that I support only Muslim organizations and don't work for Hindus. In Ayodhya I have beenworking mainly with Hindus, some of them like Acharya Satyendra Das,the chief priest of the Ram Lalla temple (the makeshift temple at thedisputed site), important Sadhus and Saints, to form a forum calledthe 'Ayodhya ki Awaz'. This forum has played an important role inproviding a platform to the common people of Ayodhya who had gottenfed up of the politics of temple construction. This forum wants allparties using the Ayodhya issue for their political gains to keep outof Ayodhya. They feel that the Hindus and Muslims of Ayodhya arecapable enough of solving the Babri Masjid-Ram Janam Bhumi dispute andoutsiders must respect their sentiments. The politics of usingreligion got exposed around 2003 when people of Ayodhya started askingthe question that why do Ram Sevaks/Ram Bhakts/Kar Sevaks from allover India come to Ayodhya not with contruction material or equipmentsbut with trishul in their hands? What has the instrument of Lord Shivagot to do with Ram temple construction? The politics of trishul meantto spread hatred was exposed and since then people of Ayodhya, UP andIndia have rejected this communal politics. I should also mention thatwhen Ashok Singhal was distributing trishul in Sultanpur, I, alongwith other friends, was distributing Gita from the platform ofLoktantrik Samajwadi Party and eight times more people came to ourprogramme clearly indicating their preference for what they thoughtwas a better symbol of Hindu religion!

This propaganda against me is there only in the US andover internet. Along with me groups like Asha and AID are also targeted. If we carefully look at the reason it is quite clear thatRSS is perturbed by the fact that it now has competitors. Since theright wing Hindutva groups have started losing credibility, becausethey have not been able to account for the money and bricks collectedfor constructing the Ram temple in Ayodhya, their donor base isshifting to more genuine organizations involved in communitydevelopment work in India. The funds raised from all over the worldfor temple construction in Ayodhya were never deposited in the VHPaccount. The temple never got built and nobody knows where all thatmoney went. This question is being asked by committed RSS supporters.The right wing Hindutva groups have cheated the unsuspecting middleclass Hindus who were innocent supporters of their temple movement.

These middle class Hindu families now find secular alternatives likeAsha and AID more reliable. Both Asha and AID have a policy oftransparency with the funds that they collect and anybody can visittheir websites to find how much they collect and where exactly itgoes. All funds and projects are up for all to see and if volunteersmake a mistake, they are willing to take criticism, and make changes.These are also groups that are based on values of equality, rights,and empowerment of all. Asha, a group which I help found, has a policyof zero overheads, functions in a decentralized fashion and iscompletely accountable to its donors. My last trip to the US and Canada wasfunded not from donations to Asha but by individual contributions fromvolunteers. Similarly my present trip is not paid for with Asha's money. People find the spirit of volunteerism in Asha and AIDquite refreshing and hence choose them over Hindutvagroups which are closed groups that have traditionally beenhierarchical, and non-transparent.

There was a time when in a disaster like the one atBhuj, RSS was the first one to enter to carry out relief operations,but now AID was able to mobilize $3 million and played a more activerole in Tsunami relief. This is something very difficult for RSS todigest. Hence their supporters are indulging in unreasonable mudslinging. It is a well known fact that the Hindutva movement in Indiawas funded in a major fashion by NRI money. With the Hindutva politicsin disarray at home in the aftermath of L.K. Advani's deviation fromthe communal ideology, Uma Bharati's exit from the Party and unfortunate happenings in the Mahajan family, the shifting donor base of these organizationsin the US has become a major source for concern for them. Thatexplains the reason why these Hindutva groups are active againstsomebody like me only in the US.

Dr Sandeep Pandey

(About the author: Dr Pandey was awarded Ramon Magsaysay Award for emergent leadership (2002), did his PhD in Mechanical Engineering, U.C., Berkeley, 1992 before heading back to India to become a social activist. Took out a 1500 km Global Peace March for nuclear disarmament from the Indian nuclear testing site Pokaran to Sarnath, a place where Gautam Buddha delivered his first sermon after attaining enlightenment, beginning 11th May and ending on 6th August, 1999. Presently with Program on Science & Global Security, Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University for 5 weeks. He can be contacted at: ashaashram@yahoo.com)

WHY IT WAS IMPORTANT NOT TO LET RTI AMENDMENTS GET APPROVED?

WHY IT WAS IMPORTANT NOT TO LET RTI AMENDMENTS GET APPROVED?

Over the last month or so we witnessed an upsurge of protest from the people and people’s organizations over the proposed amendments by the Union Cabinet to the Right to Information Act, 2005 from all over the country. The people had realized the importance of this Act. This Act for the first time since independence gives people the right to change the equation between themselves and the ruling elites. The governed can now ask questions about virtually every aspect of governance from the class which has claimed to govern them for 59 years and created a mess in every department and ministry. The people have realized that they can actually assert their rights as masters of democracy, which they are, but the ruling elites never let them be. They are filled with a sense of empowerment and the bureaucracy for the first time is feeling under pressure to be accountable to the people. Nobody believed that the bureaucracy and politicians could be reined in but the Act has provided a glimpse of that possibility and therefore people are elated.

People began filing applications under the RTI Act asking questions about various things, from accounts of village panchayats to enquiries of progress on their pending files in government departments. Since there was a time limit within which the bureaucracy had to respond, otherwise it faced the risk of a penalty, things started moving. Santosh Bahadur Singh, an advocate in Rae Bareli was trying to get an illegally built structure on the Collectorate campus removed. He had successfully gotten a court order in his favour but was not able to get the administration to comply with the order. He filed an application under RTI Act asking why the court order was not being complied with and who was responsible for negligence? The District Magistrate of Rae Bareli had to get the construction demolished overnight. Santosh Bahadur Singh proudly video recorded the demolition exercise. Ajay Kumar Singh, a disabled person in Varanasi, had obtained a job with the Nagar Nigam but he was not being asked to join. He had been running for about a year and a half but his plea would fall on deaf ears. He filed an application under the RTI Act asking why he was not being asked to join inspite of having secured a job with the Nagar Nigam and who would be held responsible for the loss that he had suffered because of this? An attendant from the office went searching for him and told him to come and join from the next day. When a former IG of police S.R. Darapuri in Lucknow obtained the details of expenditure of 3 MP and 8 MLA Local Area Development funds using RTI Act, it was discovered that our people’s representatives buy a laptop computer at about three times the price for which it is available in the market! Gross corruption is being uncovered. Thus is the power of the RTI Act.

Fearing that the people would use the RTI Act to take away what the bureaucracy has considered its prerogative for all these years – to take decisions in arbitrary manner – they hastened to clamp down the Act. The bureaucracy came up with seven proposed amendments to the Act which were approved by the Union Cabinet. They did not want file notings, Cabinet decisions, information related to processes of examinations and selections to be made public. They wanted the identities of officials conducting enquiries, submitting recommendation, etc., to be kept secret. They did not want the basis for transfers and postings of officials to be revealed to the people. In matters in which decisions were under consideration they wanted not just file notings but any kind of information to be excluded from the Act. And the most damaging proposed amendment was to take away the independence of Information Commissions. Information Commissions presently enjoy the same status of autonomy as Election Commissions. However, the proposed amendment said that in case of any dispute the decision of the government was to be considered as the final. The amendments proposed by the Government intended to make the Act toothless. As MP from Deoria Mohan Singh put it the Government should have avoided the trouble of trying to explain the amendments and instead brought a one line motion to the Parliament saying that they intended to withdraw the Act!

The people were quick to realize the implications of the proposed amendments even though the PMO issued a clarification that the amendments were meant to bring about more transparency. There was a backlash in the country and people protested vigorously. Some politicians, former judges, serving honest public servants and one Information Commissioner spoke out against the attempt to tamper with the Act. The Government would have been foolish to go ahead with tabling the proposed amendments in the Parliament. It appears that for the time being they have unofficially dumped the ‘amendments’.

This is a victory of the democratic spirit that is India. The politicians and bureaucrats must know that people of this country do not tolerate arbitrary decisions for very long. They have fought passionately to save their democratic right in the past and will do so once again if need arises. The people with mala fide intentions who think they can mislead the common people must have no misgivings. If they make an attempt to dilute the Act in any way, now or later – inside or outside the Parliament, they will be met with serious resistance. The illiterate and half literate masses of India have demonstrated, time and again, that you can trust their political consciousness.

Dr Sandeep Pandey

(About the author: Dr Pandey was awarded Ramon Magsaysay Award for emergent leadership (2002), did his PhD in Mechanical Engineering, U.C., Berkeley, 1992 before heading back to India to become a social activist. Took out a 1500 km Global Peace March for nuclear disarmament from the Indian nuclear testing site Pokaran to Sarnath, a place where Gautam Buddha delivered his first sermon after attaining enlightenment, beginning 11th May and ending on 6th August, 1999. Presently with Program on Science & Global Security, Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University for 5 weeks. He can be contacted at:
ashaashram@yahoo.com)

Postmodern Gandhi and other essays by Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph

Book Review

Postmodern Gandhi and other essays by Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph

The book by former Professors of Political Science at the University of Chicago couldn’t have come at a better time. A popular Hindi film ‘Munna Bhai Lage Raho’ has revived interest in Gandhism, even coining a new term ‘Gandhigiri’ in the process, and youth are willing to experiment with the idea. The other day some youth chose to distribute rose flowers, rather than adopt any aggressive ways, to protest against a wine shop in Lucknow inspired by Gandhigiri. That Gandhi was always relevant, in fact, more so presently than the times he lived in, was clear to anybody even with a slight interest in Gandhi. The book analyzes Gandhi’s thoughts, especially those articulated in ‘Hind Swaraj,’ and shows with great lucidity that Gandhi was thinking ahead of his times. While the world was overwhelmed with the modernization project, Gandhi was already critiquing it. Gandhi opposed machines whenever they took away jobs and when independent India decided for the first time to give its poorest citizens this year an Employment Guarantee Act, machines were banned under it. Gandhi advocated celibacy or restraint in sexual behavior and we are already advising our citizens publicly about this as part of AIDS awareness program. Gandhi stood for Gram-Swarajya, i.e., decentralized political system and control of local people over their resources and we are beginning to realize the pitfalls of mega development projects and centralized decision making. Gandhi supported non-violent methods of struggle to gain one’s rights and we’ve witnessed how groups believing in violent ways of resistance like the PWG, separatists in Kashmir and Nagaland have shown more willingness in recent times to come around and discuss their issues over table. Similarly, the global protests by people coming out in large numbers on streets against the recent US military misadventures demonstrate a commitment of the common people to the values of truth and non-violence. We may not explicitly refer to Gandhi every time we follow some values dear to him, but we do justify his philosophy by an number of our actions. No doubt, in a year beginning survey by CNN-IBN - Hindustan Times, Gandhi emerged as the most popular national figure. And internationally India derives its best identity from Gandhi.

The book dwells at length on comparison between Gandhi with Christ. Given the extent of coverage of this comparison one gets the feeling that it is hard for Christians to digest the fact that in the entire history the man who most closely resembled Christ in thought, words and deed was not a Christian. The book also has a separate chapter on ‘Gandhi in the Mind of America.’ It is not clear why it is such an important issue deserving a separate chapter, considering the fact that US was then not a very important player in global politics as it is now and that Gandhi did not ever visit US or had very many associations there. Probably, Gandhi in the Mind of British or South Africa or even Pakistan would have made a more interesting case study. The book gives the western world credit for most of Gandhi’s progressive ideas. It is a moot point whether Gandhi would have developed the same world view that he did if he had not got a chance to go to Britain. If we look at Gandhi’s choices - vegetarianism, celibacy, truth, non-violence, giving up western clothing in favor of traditional Indian dhoti, emphasis on using right means to achieve right ends - it is quite clear that orientalism had more influence on Gandhi than the west. The basic values that a person chooses to live by come not from the exterior influence but from within. I think, and we may also conclude this from Gandhi’s childhood and youth experiences, that values of truth and non-violence were inherent in him. It was merely a series of events that brought out his personality which become a symbol of these values. Even if he had not left the shores of the country chances are that he would have arrived at the same final destination going through a different set of experiences. The basic essence of the man would have been quite close to how we know him today. It, however, remains a question whether he would still have been the most popular Indian world figure inside and outside the country, if he had not gone to Britain. But the basic premise that the credit for Gandhi’s holistic, democratic and humanitarian world view goes to his exposure to the western world is flawed.

Overall the book presents Gandhi is a positive light and it would inspire a few more individuals to adopt Gandhigiri as a life style. From that standpoint it is a very valuable piece of work, a collection of essays, which even though is an academic work but has a practical value. Any work on Gandhi, if it cannot inspire a few more individuals to act in similar ways, would not be considered of worth given the fact that Gandhi was a practitioner and an activist in addition to being a theorist.

Dr Sandeep Pandey

(About the author: Dr Pandey was awarded Ramon Magsaysay Award for emergent leadership (2002), did his PhD in Mechanical Engineering, U.C., Berkeley, 1992 before heading back to India to become a social activist. Took out a 1500 km Global Peace March for nuclear disarmament from the Indian nuclear testing site Pokaran to Sarnath, a place where Gautam Buddha delivered his first sermon after attaining enlightenment, beginning 11th May and ending on 6th August, 1999. Presently with Program on Science & Global Security, Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University for 5 weeks. He can be contacted at:
ashaashram@yahoo.com)

ONE YEAR OF RTI ACT - TAKING STOCK IN U.P.

ONE YEAR OF RTI ACT - TAKING STOCK IN U.P.

Before the people could even grasp the full implications of the Right to Information Act, 2005, the officials are already busy trying to find ways to scuttle the Act. The present Parliament must be congratulated for having passed such a path-breaking Act, which is going to define new standards for our democracy and will check some of the anomalies of the system. However, the bureaucracy is in no mood to give up what has hitherto been their prerogative of keeping important information to themselves and do not want people to question their unaccountable ways of decision taking. Most of the departments have still not nominated a Public Information Officer, who accepts the application to begin the process under the Act. Even if the PIOs are nominated there is no way for people to know who he/she is? In most cases the PIOs want to remain anonymous lest they are flooded with applications from people. And when people have come to know who the PIO is the final hurdle is how to submit the fee of Rs. 10 with every application under this Act? The rules provide for cash payment of this fee. However, only a few departments are accepting fees in cash and issuing proper receipts. Most departments are asking people to submit the fees through Chalan in the Treasury, something which is not provided for in the rules. People are resorting to sending their applications by registered post since the officials are not accepting their application on one pretext or the other in person.

The lucky few who are able to submit their RTI applications – at most places it is only the government employees or members of political, social organizations who have been successfully able to do so – do not know what to do when they do not receive their desired information within the prescribed one month period. The identification of First Appeal Authority is even harder. Applications sent by registered post are being returned. Only a very few are finally able to approach the Information Commission.

The information being provided is turning out to be incomplete, misleading and unclear. The Information Commissioners are soft on the government departments, taking too much time in disposing off cases and not giving sufficient opportunity to hear out the common people, as a result of which less than 50% of the complainants feel that justice has been done to them. Since the Act has not been publicized very well by the Government a number of people are wrongly sending their applications seeking information directly to the Information Commission. The government departments are not complying with the orders of the Information Commission in all cases. While the Commissioners dismiss the case if the complainant doesn’t show up or is late for some reason, the government departments from whom the information is being sought are given a number of chances to appear and not penalized if they fail to provide the desired information. As a result of this an impression is being created that the government departments needn’t take this Act very seriously. For example, an applicant had sought information about Prime Minister Gramin Sadak Yojna from the Rural Engineering Services department. The Information Commission gave three chances to RES on 4th July, 7th August and 31st August and when nobody turned up even on the 3rd date it merely passed an order for them to update their website in ten days. Nothing has happened and neither has the Information Commision thought it fit to take any action against the department. The applicant has now approached the Governor questioning the performance of the Commissioner himself. The Information Commission is also not fulfilling its role of overseeing the proper implementation of the Act or preparing the PIOs to fulfill their duty in accordance with the Act.

At the State headquarters in Lucknow people are finding it difficult to enter the Secretariat to submit their RTI applications as one requires a pass approved by the official one wishes to meet for entry into the premises. The applications being sent with fee in the form of Postal Orders are being returned and to make a Bank Draft of Rs. 10 one has to pay a commission of Rs. 35. Although, some people are directly attaching a Rs. 10 note with their application and sending their applications by post. Such applications are being accepted. The list of PIOs mentioned on the website is incomplete and outdated and people are at a loss to know who the First Appeal Authorities are in case they do not receive information within the stipulated period of one month and have to file an appeal. At the District Magistrate’s office a form is being given out for Rs. 2, in violation of the Act, and people are being told to deposit the fees in a nearby bank.

In Rae Bareli out of thousands of applications filed under RTI only about 65% people have received information within the stipulated period. About 200 people are at the stage of appeal with state departments and 75 with central departments. Santosh Bahadur Singh, an advocate playing crucial role in fighting to get the Act implemented in his District says that he has sent 7 letters by registered post to the Chief Information Commissioner in Lucknow without having received a reply to single one of them even after 2 months have passed. Santosh Bahadur Singh was successfully able to get an illegal construction on the Collectorate campus demolished using RTI. He filed an application on 31st January to the DM. Receiving no reply he filed a PIL on 20th March on the basis of which the court ordered the Government to appoint a Chief Information Commissioner. CIC was appointed on 24th March and on the night previous to his fourth hearing on 17th July, the illegal construction was demolished.

In Sultanpur the police department refuses to accept any applications under RTI and letters sent by registered post are being returned. They have been acting very rudely with people. Finally, when they accepted two applications with great difficulty, the original copy of the enclosed treasury chalan was removed and the application returned to the applicant saying that original chalan was missing. In most other departments PIOs have been nominated and the fees is being accepted by chalan. The only silver lining is that the chalan is being accepted without requiring the approval of officials, as is being required in other districts, easily by the banks. Information has been obtained only in about 25% cases and that too is incomplete and flawed. Nobody knows who the First Appeal Authorities are in various departments. The administration is trying its best to make the law ineffective.

In Gorakhpur no list of PIOs has been made public as yet. Gorakhpur Development Authority and Nagar Nigam are accepting applications with cash fees. However, information is being provided in merely 20% of the cases. At the Gorakhpur University many applications are being filed but here again very little information is being provided. The Univeristy has decided its own norm in charging fees under the RTI Act. For every question that an applicant asks she is required to pay Rs. 10, as opposed to Rs. 10 for every application as is the general norm everywhere. Most other departments are not entertaining the RTI applications. Some officers do not seem to be aware of the Act. Clerks would not accept any application without officials approving them. People are being made to run from one office to another. Electricity department is not cooperating at all. People do not know who the First Appeal Authorities are. At the tehsil and block levels the situation is even worse. The performance of central government departments, both in terms of accepting applications as well as providing information, is significantly better.

In Deoria district the Social Welfare Officer is willing to share information but in other departments the officials and clerks are in no mood to receive application from common citizens. Here 86 PIOs have been nominated but most of them do not wish to identify themselves. In the neighbouring Kushinagar district except for the District Development Officer, Ravi Kumar, who was one of the first officers in State to begin accepting applications under RTI with cash fee of Rs. 10 and has been issuing receipts on Treasury Form No. 385 to individual applicants, no other official is willing to receive applications.

In Varanasi, Nagar Nigam, Jal Sansthan and Varanasi Development Authority are accepting RTI applications with cash fees and in 80% of the cases they are also providing information within the stipulated time. About 80 PIOs and 30 First Appeal Authorities have been identified in different departments. A detailed list was made public by the administration. However, departments like the Electricity and Education continue to he hostile. Both the Basic Shiksha Adhikari and District Inspector Of Schools are playing hard and turning down applications on one pretext or the other. The only recourse people have is to send applications by registered post. Out of the 9 blocks in Varanasi district, except for Chirai Gaon and Cholapur, fees in cash is not being accepted anywhere along with RTI applications. Inspite of a promise by the DM Rajiv Agarwal that he will make arrangements for cash to be accepted everywhere most departments are asking people to deposit the fee in the Treasury through Chalan. Among the success stories in Varanasi about 35 people have managed to get their passports made using RTI on applications which were pending for a long time.

In the neighbouring Chandauli district applications are being accepted only under the social pressure created by activists and media. Most departments are not willing to accept fees in cash and the information being provided is not correct in general. The District Magistrate refuses to be the First Appeal Authority even in cases where he should be and his office is turning down applications for first appeal. Four officers have been summoned so far by the State Information Commission for failing to provide information within stipulated time period. In Ghazipur, even though names of 42 PIOs are known their offices are not accepting applications in person. People are forced to send their applications with fees in the form of Bank Drafts by registered post. In Mau district the list of PIOs has been made public by the administration through local newspapers, however some officials are still not recognizing the existence of such a law! Fees is being accepted only by submitting Chalans in the Treasury.

In Faizabad, where a proactive DM Amod Kumar had ensured that every single application during the 1st to 15th July, ‘Don’t Pay Bribe: Use RTI’ national campaign run by people’s organizations and media together, was accepted at the camp site itself, which in itself was a big wonder in a state like U.P., action has been taken on very few applications. The process is very much dependent on the DM. Only his intervention moves things, otherwise the clerks in the offices do not even care to inform their officers that applications have been received which require time bound action. Names of 34 PIOs are known but most departments do not accept the application along with the fees.

In Jaunpur names of 45 PIOs are known. Cash fees is being accepted with RTI applications only in one department, otherwise people have to submit the fees through Chalans in the Treasury. As most offices are not very cooperative, people prefer to send their applications by registered post. In Azamgarh, the ADM returned an application seeking information about the nomination of PIOs stating that the applicant has no right to ask a question like that! No list of PIOs has been made public in this district. In Pratapgarh district the list of PIOs has been made public by the DM but the DIOS has refused to provide information to one applicant saying that the applicant did not have a right to ask question.

In Hardoi district PIOs have been nominated in almost all departments and cash fees is being accepted. The applications are being received on a form, format of which was suggested by the activists to the DM, and the lower portion of this form is being returned to the applicant as receipt after mentioning acceptance of Rs. 10 fees on it. However, the departments are not prompt in providing information. In the neighboring Sitapur district, the District Development Officer Makhan Lal Gupta is the only officer readily accepting applications under RTI and promptly providing information as well. In Unnao, even though the ADM office has a form available which can be used to ask information under RTI Act, but nobody knows about it. The officials are avoiding receiving applications under the Act.

In Moradabad there is very little awareness about the Act. Some people confuse it with the ‘Lokvani’- a computer based grievance redressal mechanism – which also requires a fee of Rs. 10 to be submitted with every complaint. The departments try to evade their responsibility of providing information under the Act. An activist was able to obtain information about a Community Health Centre only after two months and several protest demonstrations. A list of about 40 PIOs has been made public by the administration recently. However, the fees with the application is being accepted only through Treasury Chalan.

Overall, the scenario in U.P. is not very bright. Activists and motivated individuals have brought pressure on the officers to receive applications under the RTI Act by showing them copy of the Act and the gazette issued by the U.P. government. The common citizen is still being turned away and finding it very difficult to exercise her legal right. The officials are ignorant, evasive and in some cases even hostile. With a meek Information Commission, they have no fear of being pulled up. So, it appears that the high handed ways of bureaucracy will continue to be the norm in U.P. for some more time to come and corruption will go on as usual. The common person, like before, will have to stand on the margins and watch the game of democracy being played in her name with very little role for herself to intervene. The only positive aspect of the Act is that it has awakened some democratic consciousness among the people and activated some individuals and groups to play the role of watchdog. It is going to be a long tough battle to make the system transparent and accountable to the people.

Dr Sandeep Pandey

(About the author: Dr Pandey was awarded Ramon Magsaysay Award for emergent leadership (2002), did his PhD in Mechanical Engineering, U.C., Berkeley, 1992 before heading back to India to become a social activist. Took out a 1500 km Global Peace March for nuclear disarmament from the Indian nuclear testing site Pokaran to Sarnath, a place where Gautam Buddha delivered his first sermon after attaining enlightenment, beginning 11th May and ending on 6th August, 1999. Presently with Program on Science & Global Security, Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University for 5 weeks. He can be contacted at:
ashaashram@yahoo.com)

COCA COLA IS HABITUAL CRIMINAL

COCA COLA IS HABITUAL CRIMINAL

A ‘Jal Adhikar Yatra,’ to assert people’s right over water resources and protect it from privatization by corporations like Coca Cola and Pepsico was recently taken out from the Coca Cola plant in Mehdiganj, Varanasi to the Parliament in Delhi. This yatra went through all the Coke and Pepsi plants in U.P. and the Coca Cola plant outside Jaipur in Kala Dera and concluded with a three day dharna at Jantar Mantar. The yatra received tremendous support on the way as can be seen from the media reports.

Coca Cola claims that there is no movement in Mehdiganj, Varanasi and in fact, the local people are opposed to the movement against Coca Cola. The fact is that Coca Cola has been hiring goons and unemployed youth and villagers to disrupt the meetings and protests against its plant in Mehdiganj. A strong movement has sprung up in the past three years here. The biggest threat that the farmers of the region face is a fast depleting water table. According to a recent study the water table in wells in an area of 3 km from the plant site has fallen by 18 feet on an average since the plant began operating whereas the corresponding fall in water table during the last decade was only 1.6 ft. In addition the sludge coming out of the Mehdiganj Coca Cola plant and 15 other Coke and Pepsi plants around the country was found to contain dangerous levels of Cadmium, Chromium and Lead which are contaminating the agricultural fields and ground water. The local farmers have been demanding cancellation of license of this plant and winding up its operations. Twice when they arrived at the plant gate on 10th September, 2003 and 24th November, 2004, to demand closure of the plant they were beaten by the police and private security guards of Coca Cola, weilding iron rods, and put in jail. Thousands of people have protested outside the plant and hundreds have gone to jail. The claims of Coca Cola that local people oppose the movement in ridiculous. In fact, in the 20-25 villages adjacent to the plant it’ll be difficult to find anybody who does not oppose Coca Cola. When the company has to organize artificial and sponsored ‘protests’ against the movement it has to bring people in tractor trolleys from distant villages.

Coca Cola has also been encroaching upon Gram Sabha land at Mehdiganj and last year a District Magistrate took action against the Gram Pradhan for having illegally allowed Coca Cola to encroach this piece of land. However, no action has been taken against the company yet. At Sinhachawar, Ballia, also in U.P., last last year Coca Cola at another plant site tried to put gates to encroach upon a Gram Sabha road. The vigilant villagers uprooted this gate and performed voluntary service on this road to reestablish the claim of Gram Sabha over it. When Coca Cola bought the plant at Mehdiganj from Thums Up in 1999 it cheated the government on stamp duty to the extent of Rs. 1 crore and 75 lakhs and was fined a similar amount for this act by a local court. They still haven’t paid the complete amount of Rs. 3.5 crores which they owe to the government.

Coca Cola has been involved in killing of 9 workers of their plant in Coloumbia with the help of mercenaries. The issues of labour rights violations in Coloumbia and stealing of water belonging to Indian farmers have been dominating discussions in the shareholders meeting of the company for the last two successive years as well as on student campuses across North America. A number of Universities have decided to place a ban on Coca Cola because of these two issues.

What do you call a company who kills its own workers, hires goons to disrupt protests against it, defaults on payments to the government, encroaches upon public land, poisons the agricultural fields and ground water, makes its consumers drink pesticides and hazardous materials and loots the water resources and money of poor third world countries? It can only be compared with a habitual criminal.

The most serious issue is the intervention of a US government official threatening the fate of FDI in India, defending Coke and Pepsi when their image was tarnished by the Centre for Science and Environment presence of pesticides report in the soft drinks manufactured by these companies. It appears that the US government has an upper hand than our own government in determining that Coke and Pepsi will stay in this country.

The protests against Coca Cola and Pepsico have been gathering momentum and despite the attempt by Coke officials to discredit the movement it appears that their days in this country are numbered. The demand has already gone down. India is one of the three countries where these soft drink manufacturers are witnessing a decline in sales. The long queues of trucks outside the Mehdiganj plant on Grand Trunk Road ready to transport bottles to the dealers till last year were absent this summer. This is an ominous sign for Coca Cola.

Dr Sandeep Pandey

(About the author: Dr Pandey was awarded Ramon Magsaysay Award for emergent leadership (2002), did his PhD in Mechanical Engineering, U.C., Berkeley, 1992 before heading back to India to become a social activist. Took out a 1500 km Global Peace March for nuclear disarmament from the Indian nuclear testing site Pokaran to Sarnath, a place where Gautam Buddha delivered his first sermon after attaining enlightenment, beginning 11th May and ending on 6th August, 1999. Presently with Program on Science & Global Security, Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University for 5 weeks. He can be contacted at:
ashaashram@yahoo.com)

WHO ELSE NEEDS TO BE HANGED TO SATIFY THE COLLECTIVE CONSCIENCE?

WHO ELSE NEEDS TO BE HANGED TO SATIFY THE COLLECTIVE CONSCIENCE?

The Supreme Court judgment awarding death sentence to Mohammad Afzal says, ‘The incident, which resulted in heavy casualities, has shaken the entire nation and the collective conscience of the society will be satisfied if the capital punishment is awarded to the offender. The challenge to the unity, integrity and sovereignty of India by these acts of terrorist and conspirators can only be compensated by giving the maximum punishment to the person who is proved to be a conspirator in this treacherous act. The appellant, who is a surrendered militant and who was bent upon repeating the acts of treason against the nation, is a menace to the society should become extinct.’ The Supreme Court states that there is no evidence to show that Mohammad Afzal is a member of any banned organization. In fact, the Court acquitted Afzal of the charges under POTA. It further adds that even going by the confessional statement (which could possibly be the only basis to take any action against him) it is doubtful whether the membership of a terrorist gang or organization is established. None of the 80 prosecution witnesses alleged that Afzal was in anyway associated with any terrorist organization. Hence the grounds for awarding death sentence to Mohammad Afzal are really very very flimsy. Yet, most of the conscientious citizens of India seem to have made up their mind that Afzal should be hanged.

If Afzal is going to be hanged merely to satisfy the collective conscience of the society then there are a number of other cases where people will have to be hanged. Who will be held responsible for the farmers who have committed suicides and poor people who have died of starvation? The flawed policies of the State and the siphoning off of the resources meant for the poor have led to these deaths. People may not have died with a ‘bang’, but people nevertheless died! They died a slow, painful and humiliating death. It is a shame for the society that people who do hard labour to feed us have to commit suicides and die of starvation, inspite of no shortage of foodgrains. Who must face the death gallows for these heavy casualities which have also shaken the entire nation – the concerned District Magistrates, Chief Secretaries, Chief Ministers, Cabinet Secretary or the Prime Minister himself?

Then who will be held responsible for the various scams, especially those related to Defence, where the unity, integrity and sovereignty of India is compromised in no less harmful a way than was done by the conspirators who carried out the attack on the Parliament? Some of the people involved in these scams sit inside the very same Parliament. If one were to conduct a referendum, the people of this country will be of the opinion that their collective conscience will be satisfied the most when all the corrupt politicians and bureaucrats will be hanged together. Which court will translate this popular public opinion into a death sentence for some of the responsible, like in the case of Afzal? In fact, any case of corruption should be treated as an anti-national activity. How many people in this country have even been jailed for being involved in corruption, what to talk of being hanged? The unaccountable legislature and executive awards itself with hike in emoluments, whereas common people are being looted of their resources and pushed into more severe state of deprivation and poverty. Can this be considered anything less than treachery? The masters of democracy are being cheated in broad daylight by their servants and representatives. What would be the mechanism to hang some of these anti-democratic people involved in treason against the nation and its people? Who would not agree with the opinion that Members of Parliament exposed for accepting bribes for asking questions should be served the harshest sentence? Will not the collective conscience of society be satisfied if this was actually done?

The politicians and bureaucracy, in the era of new economic policy, are selling the assets created with public money at throw away prices to the private companies in the name of reforms and allowing multinational corporations to take over invaluable natural resources of this country, like the water, land and forests. This is obviously at the cost of the common population. The influential ruling class, for its own vested interest, is clearly hand in gloves with these private and foreign parties, whose only motive is profit. In less than 60 years, it seems, we’ve even forgotten that we have freed ourselves with great difficulty from an imperial force. We do not seem to mind being subject to such powers once again. None of the major economic decisions are being taken inside the Parliament of our country. They are being dictated by international monetary agencies, the US Government or the multinational corporations. We do not continue to enjoy the same sovereignty as we used to before these economic policies were implemented. It would be a matter of interesting debate whether a physical damage to the Parliament by a bomb from outside is more damaging than the subversion from within by our so called leaders? Who deserves a harsher punishment? The physical damage could be repaired but who’ll perform the more difficult task of resurrecting the autonomy of our supreme decision making body?

There are feudal, casteist and communal elements, who in collusion with the ruling class, subvert law, scuttle democracy and oppress poor people. They commit most heinous crimes and influence the police and judiciary so that no action is taken against them. They are responsible for the most gross human rights violations. For them the Constitution of this country has no meaning. They have evolved their own systems of operation, in which contractors-criminals-mafia nexus is at the centre. We see a plethora of them dominating and sometimes actually running our system. Who will hang these people who bring the Constitution into disrepute everyday?

It is unfortunate that only explosion of a bomb is considered a terrorist activity whereas a whole range of people are bent upon damaging our democracy and Constitution on an everyday basis, sometimes in ways more detrimental than a physical attack, and yet we choose not to consider them anti-national. On the other hand, the people at the receiving end of the slow bleeding of our system – the agricultural labourers who do not receive their due minimum wages, mostly dalits and tribals, most artisans who have to labour hard to make both ends meet, child labourers, women pushed into prostitution or who are open to exploitation because they have no other means to earn a livelihood, people who live in slums continuously facing the uncertainty of demolition, people displaced by wonderful projects of modernization, most citizens of Northeast and Kashmir - who do not share the same passionate but hollow version of nationalism with the minority mainstream educated elite of this country, do not feel quite agitated about the attack on the Parliament because they face such attacks everyday on their lives and livelihood.
Dr Sandeep Pandey

(About the author: Dr Pandey was awarded Ramon Magsaysay Award for emergent leadership (2002), did his PhD in Mechanical Engineering, U.C., Berkeley, 1992 before heading back to India to become a social activist. Took out a 1500 km Global Peace March for nuclear disarmament from the Indian nuclear testing site Pokaran to Sarnath, a place where Gautam Buddha delivered his first sermon after attaining enlightenment, beginning 11th May and ending on 6th August, 1999. Presently with Program on Science & Global Security, Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University for 5 weeks. He can be contacted at: ashaashram@yahoo.com)

HOW EFFECTIVE CAN A SOCIAL AUDIT ON GOVERNMENT’S INITIATIVE BE?

HOW EFFECTIVE CAN A SOCIAL AUDIT ON GOVERNMENT’S INITIATIVE BE?

The Rural Development Department of the Andhra Pradesh Government is conducting Social Audit of the Andhra Pradesh Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme being implemented under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act which came into force from Februray 2, 2006. Andhra Pradesh is probably the first state in the country where such a process has begun and the credit for this goes entirely to the Principal Secretary of the Rural Development Department here, K. Raju. It is normally unheard of that any government department would subject its performance to public scrutiny, especially a department dealing with development works where huge siphoning off of resources has become the norm rather than exception. Fake muster rolls are one of the biggest sources of corruption in this country. By mentioning fictitious names, names of upper caste people who never perform manual labour, names of people who have migrated to cities long time back, names of people who are too old to work or exaggerating the number of days of work for labourers who have performed work, it is a common practice to withdraw huge sums of money from the government exchequer. In addition to the abovementioned discrepancies, it might also be the case that the work being shown on paper was never actually performed. In Hardoi District of U.P., recently is was discovered that a canal was being desilted on paper in 2004-05 by using the funds of Bharawan Block Panchayat whereas the Irrigation Department had taken a decision five years back not to release water in this canal. Over Rs. 3 lakhs were embezzled in this instance.

Social Audit is a process where in an open meeting of the village physical verification of the records is done with the help of officials, people’s representatives and the people. In fact, the citizens of the Gram Sabha are supposed to perform this audit. In addition to the verification of financial details it is also ensured that other provisions of the NREGA are being followed. It is an opportunity for the people to evaluate the entire scheme and also determine the quality of development works in their village. In a new democratic culture building up in the country since the Right to Information Act has been implemented, it is a chance for citizens to intervene and check the rampant prevalent corruption and irregularities in the system.

The advantage of Government itself facilitating such a social audit process is that the government documents become easily accessible to the people, a right for which the country had to wait for 58 years since independence. Since most of the corruption takes place by fudging figures on paper, once documents start becoming public there will be a natural check on corruption. As these papers get into the hands of common people, they also discover ways and manners in which irregularities are committed. It is a real feeling of empowerment to be actually checking whether everybody has received the wages that have been mentioned on the muster rolls and whether the measurements of the work are according to what is mentioned in the measurement books.

Considerable enthusiasm is seen among the people in these social audit exercises. The entire atmosphere of transparency forces the officials to take corrective action whenever a discrepancy is discovered. For example, if a person had not been paid what is shown on the muster roll or pay order then she is paid the full amount due to her. There have been instances where the Post Office incharge, who disburses the payments, deducts a portion of the wages before making payments to the villagers. Sometimes, the measurements of the work are exaggerated. In Andhra Pradesh, where the administration is proactively involved in social audit it is also making sure that such discrepancies are removed as soon as they are discovered. Because there is a will at the top, the errant officials or functionaries are punished or fall in line. Moveover, the officials and functionaries performing their duties diligently get recognition. For example, a Field Assistant paid one day’s wage from her pocket when she discovered that for a woman labourer one day less was mentioned by mistake on the muster roll. She also watered the plants, planted as part of the works under APREGS, when they were going dry by carrying a water can on her bicycle. A Post Office incharge went to 3 villages to distribute the wages himself to ensure that no middlemen took away any commissions. This Field Assistant and Post Office Incharge were recently honoured at a meeting held a Mulugu Mandal Office. Otherwise, the norm is that such honest and diligent employees are marginalized in a system where the corrupt receive patronage from the higher ups. The present set up of Rural Development department of the A.P. is a welcome exception to this norm.

However, if the initiative of social audit remains in the hands of the government or administration, there is a danger that ultimately it’ll be subverted. How many cases of corruption do we know where an enquiry was set up and because the individuals who were conducting the investigation were from the same class of people as they were investigating, the results of such exercises did not yield the desired result and the matters were covered up? We would not like to see the social audit process currently being undertaken in A.P. to degenerate to a state where the social auditors develop vested interests shared with the people responsible for implementing the APREGS. Hence it is very important that the initiative of the social audit process remains in the hands of common people. The Gram Sabha is the appropriate body to conduct this exercise and not some externally chosen professionals. Hence the Gram Sabhas or some people’s organizations (not NGOs who normally do not represent the interests of the community and whose agenda is driven by funding agencies) should be entrusted with this task. If the department of Rural Development can ensure this and can keep the intervention of the officials minimal in the process of social audit then this exercise will bear fruits. The government department’s role should be limited to creating public awareness and facilitating the social audits where there are some obstacles. An empowered citizenry is the only key to ensuring transparency and accountability in the system.

Dr Sandeep Pandey

(About the author: Dr Pandey was awarded Ramon Magsaysay Award for emergent leadership (2002), did his PhD in Mechanical Engineering, U.C., Berkeley, 1992 before heading back to India to become a social activist. Took out a 1500 km Global Peace March for nuclear disarmament from the Indian nuclear testing site Pokaran to Sarnath, a place where Gautam Buddha delivered his first sermon after attaining enlightenment, beginning 11th May and ending on 6th August, 1999. Presently with Program on Science & Global Security, Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University for 5 weeks. He can be contacted at: ashaashram@yahoo.com)

ARE WE PREPARING FOR A SCENARIO OF THIRST DEATHS?

ARE WE PREPARING FOR A SCENARIO OF THIRST DEATHS?

Hunger deaths and farmer suicides are now becoming a common phenomena in this country. Initially, when we would hear of a hunger related death in Kalahandi or Baran in Rajasthan, it would prick our conscience. As economic globalization, privatization and liberalization proceeded and we were made to believe that India was shining, reports of more people succumbing to poverty and hunger started pouring in. It was not the case that there was a shortage of food grains. The FCI godowns, we are told, had enough. But the food grains were not reaching the people who needed it because of massive siphoning off in PDS. The worst is, probably, yet to come.

Water has now become a commodity. Bottled water is a thriving business in this country. Rivers are getting sold and MNCs are eyeing the water supply in big cities. Mahatma Gandhi had said that there is enough in this earth to take care of everybody’s need but not enough to fulfill anybody’s greed. The relationship between human beings and water was based on fulfillment of human needs before the companies in water business came into existence. The human being would take as much water from nature as was required to fulfill her drinking and irrigation needs. However, the companies were interested in making profits by selling water, even though they had no role in its creation or conservation. They were not ashamed of taking a raw material free of cost, packaging it and selling it at exorbitant prices – more than that of the milk! We have to give credit to our ancestors for whatever water we find today in earth, as they did not treat it as a saleable commodity. With our relationship with water undergoing a change, now there is a threat to water. Companies like Coca Cola and Pepsico are amassing so much profit from this business that they were the fifth and fourth largest contributors, respectively, to Geroge Bush’s election campaign during the last US elections. Like petroleum now there is race to make as much profit over water in the quickest possible time. Corporations are competing with each other fiercely in emptying the earth of two of the most precious resources – one without which we may be able to live but the other without which we’ll be doomed.

The Coca Cola plant in Mehdiganj, Varanasi, for example, has caused the water table in wells to fall 18 feet during the last decade compared to 1.6 feet in the decade previous to that, as revealed by a study conducted earlier this year by V. Chandrika of all water sources falling within 3 kms. of the plant site. The plant has been responsible for sucking most of the wells, hand pumps and tube wells dry or causing them to go out of order. About 90% of wells in the region have been affected. 25% wells have completely dried, 14% wells are in the process of drying and 50% have witnessed a fall in water table. Out of 73 bore wells in the area, 10 have dried up which includes 4 which have dried up after the Coca Cola plant started operations. As the traditional source of water, the wells, started drying up people resorted to hand pumps. 220 hand pumps have been installed since the Coca Cola plant was set up as opposed to 45 which were installed in the decade previous to that. But 43% of the hand pumps are already adversely affected. 11% have completely dried and 32% work intermittently. Coca Cola alleges that drought and excessive use of water by farmers is responsible for dangerous fall in water table. The reality is, however, that the situation of drought was about the same during the last decade as it was in the decade previous to that. The region saw droughts in 1991-93, 2002 and 2004. The number of bore wells installed in 1990-2000 was 15 and after the Coke plant started functioning some 12 new bore wells have been installed. Hence the number of bore wells cannot be the sole reason for dangerous fall in water table. Another independent survey shows that the state of affairs of ponds is equally dismal. Out of 18 ponds falling in a radius of 4 kms. from the plant site, 1 has dried completely, 14 are seasonal and the remaining 3 retain too little water.

The farmer of Mehdiganj says that she is not going to survive by drinking Coke. If the water table falls so much that they will not be able to grow their crops then what will they eat? In spite of whatever the GDP may be and however much the credit available might be, we’ll need food grains to eat to survive. Our planners must realize this simple fact. If the privatization of water is not stopped soon, it is not difficult to imagine a scenario where all the water sources will be controlled by private water lords, the interlinked river network will be controlled by one of the big MNCs, and water will be available at a price in bottles which will be beyond the purchasing capacity of most of the common citizens of this country. Thirst related deaths cannot be completely ruled out in the next 50-100 years.


Dr Sandeep Pandey

(About the author: Dr Pandey was awarded Ramon Magsaysay Award for emergent leadership (2002), did his PhD in Mechanical Engineering, U.C., Berkeley, 1992 before heading back to India to become a social activist. Took out a 1500 km Global Peace March for nuclear disarmament from the Indian nuclear testing site Pokaran to Sarnath, a place where Gautam Buddha delivered his first sermon after attaining enlightenment, beginning 11th May and ending on 6th August, 1999. Presently with Program on Science & Global Security, Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University for 5 weeks. He can be contacted at: ashaashram@yahoo.com)

FINALLY THE CRIMINAL STUDENT LEADERS FIND THEIR MATCH

FINALLY THE CRIMINAL STUDENT LEADERS FIND THEIR MATCH

The Vice Chancellor of the Lucknow University Professor Ram Prakash Singh has shown rare courage in holding the bull of campus hooliganism by its horns. The LU, like most of the campuses in north India was taken over by criminals in the garb of students who were patronized by opportunist national political parties. These so called student leaders, who are neither students nor leaders, hope to catch the attention of one of the parties so that they may use campus politics as a stepping stone into the state or national level politics. If one gets elected to one of the three important posts of any student union of a major university, then sooner or later one is ensured of a ticket from one of the major political parties to contest the assembly or parliamentary elections.

I, as a student with a rosy picture of politics as an instrument to bring about social change, had contested the position of representative of Institute of Technology to the Banaras Hindu University Students’ Union in 1985. It was a shocking experience even at that time and at such a level as university politics that I found the candidates for the big three posts, President, Vice President and General Secretary, asking me to align with them on the basis of a common caste and offering me free unlimited viewing of cinema in the Halls in city and liquor if needed for students who could pledge their votes in exchange. After having won the election for the representative’s post, attendance at the first few meetings of the Students’ Union was sufficient to disillusion me of the Indian electoral politics for life. The students who won or ran for the top three posts did very well in their political career subsequently. The Vice President at that time Rajesh Mishra is the Congress MP from Varanasi presently. The General Secretray O. P. Singh, was a minister in the last BJP Government in UP. A former President of the Union Manoj Sinha also became a MP for BJP from Ghazipur. Satya Prakash Sonkar, who ran for a post in that election but did not win, also became a MLA later.

While it may be a good opportunity for these student leaders to maintain their student status and indulge in campus politics so long as they have not won an election or become sufficiently important (read notorious) so that they cannot be ignored by the mainstream political parties, the university suffers in general because of them. They contribute to deteriorating law and order situation on campus, often forcing the VCs to close the universities sine die. The academic activity takes a back seat so long as the political heat is on. The sessions are delayed and sincere students are losers. It is virtually impossible under these circumstances that professors or researchers would engage in any serious research activity. Instead of enhancing the standards of these seats of learning the faculty members have to bother about how to just keep the normal affairs going.

I can perfectly understand the predicament of Professor R.P. Singh, as I had to myself face the hooliganism of these student leaders. The occasion was a programme organized in the honour of 40 visiting Pakistani guests in August 2005 at the prestigious Malviya Bhavan of LU. Since the programme was being held at LU we also decided to invite the then LUSU President Rajpal Kashyap as a representative of the student community to share the dais along with other dignitaries. The other student leaders present there also wanted to sit on the stage without realizing the seriousness of the programme or being considerate of the guests from across the border. We put our foot down and told the student leaders that there was no scope for any other student leader to join the dais. A melee followed and there was attempt by these so called student leaders to compete with each other in making their presence felt. Each one of them appeared more threatening than the other and they continued to hover around the stage while the programme was in progress. Some of them also said some abusive things about the organizers, especially the ladies.

Much to our embarrassment, with Pakistani guests as witness, we decided to protest against the unruly behaviour of the LU students by boycotting the snacks which were organized by the Union for the Pakistani guests. The Pakistani guests not knowing what to do just walked out along with us. Before making the exit I had announced that I would never organize any further event in LU.

Frankly, I think the LU needs an overhaul. It must be rid of all its goonda elements. Having observed the student politics at BHU and now at LU, I had never thought that it was possible. When Professor R.P. Singh had taken over as V.C. of LU and used to talk about making an IIT out of LU, we had thought that he would get disillusioned soon. But he has demonstrated the guts and can take on not only the university goondas but also state level politicians. While Mulayam Singh Yadav shamelessly patronizes the goonda elements of campus and other political parties support him or keep silent on the issue, Prof. Singh has stuck to his guns. He needs all our support to take on Mulayam Singh Yadav and his brand of politicians. He deserves kudos for not having buckled under the political pressure and attempts to isolate him and threaten him. Without caring about the danger that he has invited to his personal security he has shown the determination to convert the LU into an academic institution from the hopelessly messy situation to which it had degenerated. If the political parties think that they can ride roughshod over the VC by supporting the kind of rowdyism which has become the hallmark of Indian politics they are mistaken. People are tolerating this brand of politics because they have no option. As soon as they’ll have a cleaner and healthier alternative they’ll reject the dirtier and murkier characters.

Dr Sandeep Pandey

(About the author: Dr Pandey was awarded Ramon Magsaysay Award for emergent leadership (2002), did his PhD in Mechanical Engineering, U.C., Berkeley, 1992 before heading back to India to become a social activist. Took out a 1500 km Global Peace March for nuclear disarmament from the Indian nuclear testing site Pokaran to Sarnath, a place where Gautam Buddha delivered his first sermon after attaining enlightenment, beginning 11th May and ending on 6th August, 1999. Presently with Program on Science & Global Security, Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University for 5 weeks. He can be contacted at: ashaashram@yahoo.com)

BASIC MECHANISM FOR IMPLEMENTING RIGHT TO INFORMATION ACT NOT IN PLACE IN BIHAR

BASIC MECHANISM FOR IMPLEMENTING RIGHT TO INFORMATION ACT NOT IN PLACE IN BIHAR


If you needed to file an application under the Right to Information Act, 2005, you would have to submit your application to the Public Information Officer of the relevant department with a fee of Rs. 10 as prescribed under the Act. However, if you were living in any of the districts of Bihar and went to any particular department to find out who their PIO is, chances are that you will get blank faces, because the PIOs have not even been nominated in most departments. Somebody may even ask you to go to the Information Department of the government, which has nothing to do with the implementation of the RTI Act, as certain citizens recounted their experiences in Vaishali and Khagaria districts.

A state-wide RTI campaign was organized recently in 30 districts of Bihar simultaneously. Voulnteers, including mostly activists of local NGOs, public spirited citizens and retired government servants, had set up camps all over the state to make people aware of the Act, help them draft their applications under the RTI Act and also help them in filing their applications. Curious citizens, with some skepticism, flocked to the camps to learn about this new instrument which has been placed into their hands by the national legislature on 13th October, 2005 .

After a visit to Vaishali, Muzaffarpur, Madhubani, Samastipur, Begusarai, Khagaria, Munger, Chappra, Siwan and Gopalganj it is apparent that the basic minimum system to implement the Act is missing. When one does not even know who the PIO is in any particular department how is one supposed to even get started with using the RTI Act? Applicants are being turned away from the offices either on the pretext of sheer ignorance of the Act or absence of any mechanism to accept the application or the fees along with it. It is a pity that a Block Development Officer in Banka district was not even aware of the fact that applicants belonging to the Below Poverty Line category are exempt from paying the Rs. 10 fee with their applications. Some of the officials use more crude ways of turning away their applicants. The BDO of Shambhuganj in Banka district got his bodyguard to pull out a gun to threaten one of the applicant who had come to file an application under the RTI Act with him.

On 29th January, a telephone line was launched with much fanfare by the Chief Minister himself so that people could file their applications as well as appeals, in the case of information not being provided within stipulated time, over telephone. Much publicity was given to the fact that Bihar was the first state in the country to have initiated such a service. In a country where most of the citizens still cannot write an application on their own this seemed like a wonderful idea. However, not a single citizen from the abovementioned ten districts visited during the campaign has been able to get through the designated telephone number – 155311, to file their application. Hence the telephone service too fails to provide any relief to the harassed citizens who are made to run by the government offices umpteen number of times even to perform the most simple things. In Muzaffarpur it was learnt that the government offices do not have the normal practice of providing proof of receiving any applications. The situation in rest of the Bihar would not be much different. However, if the officials don’t change their method of working, how will a RTI applicant file an appeal to the first appeal authority or the information commission if she will not receive a proof of having submitted an application under the Act in the first place?

The people’s campaign also witnessed some success stories. In Begusari where close to a hundred applications were submitted under the Act during the campaign, a primary school teacher Ranjan Kumar had filed an application under the RTI Act to the District Superintendent of Education on 31st January asking him why his enhanced salary after he had undergone the required training was not being given to him for the last 19 months, even though he had submitted all the necessary documents to the DSE’s office. On 9th February, Ranjan got a reply that his enhanced salary had been sanctioned and he could come to the office of DSE and collect the order for payment. Four other teachers also benefited along with Ranjan in this matter. Ranjan, who is also a spirited RTI activist was obviously overjoyed. He has now taken a vow along with his fifteen young friends to file an application under the RTI Act every month. It is such initiatives by citizens’ groups which will ensure that the RTI Act is implemented in proper spirit.

In Khagaria district one applicant is now going to file an appeal with the information commission because he has not got a proper reply from a bank manager. He had applied for a loan to set up a sattu-besan industry. The bank manager wanted a 10% commission. The applicant refused to pay the bribe. The manager rejected his application on the ground of his project not being viable. Hence the applicant asked the manager under the RTI Act which industry according to him is viable? The manager is now in a dilemma and he had to reply that he is not a competent authority in this matter. The applicant is now going to appeal to information commission and question the manager’s decision to reject his application. The bank manager is trying to prove that the applicant is mentally unfit. This is a good example of how officials have been taking decisions arbitrarily or because of vested interests, which will become increasingly difficult if more and more people decided to use RTI Act to question their decisions.

It is just the beginning of the movement in the area of RTI. People are getting ready for a long drawn struggle with officials which could see the relationship between the citizens and bureaucracy undergo dramatic changes.

Dr Sandeep Pandey

(About the author: Dr Pandey was awarded Ramon Magsaysay Award for emergent leadership (2002), did his PhD in Mechanical Engineering, U.C., Berkeley, 1992 before heading back to India to become a social activist. Took out a 1500 km Global Peace March for nuclear disarmament from the Indian nuclear testing site Pokaran to Sarnath, a place where Gautam Buddha delivered his first sermon after attaining enlightenment, beginning 11th May and ending on 6th August, 1999. Presently with Program on Science & Global Security, Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University for 5 weeks. He can be contacted at: ashaashram@yahoo.com)

Government under your gaze





Online at: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/208040.html

Government under your gaze
Sandeep Pandey
The Indian Express
2 August 2007

The Right to Information (RTI) and the National Rural Employment Guarantee (NREG) Acts are considered to be two of the most progressive pieces of legislation in recent times. They are seen as a much-required corrective in an atmosphere where the government is considered to be coming increasingly under the influence of international financial institutions/corporations and getting more and more indifferent to the concerns of ordinary people.

Take the RTI Act. Meant to create more transparency and accountability in governance, it has for the first time provided an opportunity to ordinary people to intervene in political and administrative decision-making. Politicians and bureaucrats have, thus far, considered it their prerogative to keep information secret. What is not widely recognised is that this mindset characterises not just secretaries and under-secretaries but those who man the lowest tier of government. For instance, in January 2003, the gram pradhans of Ambedkar villages and two MLAs (including a minister in the then Mayawati government) unanimously passed a resolution calling for the jailing of anyone demanding income-expenditure details from the Gram Panchayat Bharawan of Hardoi district, Uttar Pradesh, or for holding dharna to push for their claims. As people’s representatives, they argued, they enjoyed a privileged position and were above providing a statement of accounts for public funds.

Before the RTI Act came into force, officials would humiliate citizens who asked for information and sometimes even threatened them. In their arrogance they did not even bother to do basic book-keeping. The first statement of accounts for the Bharawan Gram Panchayat, which was given to the people by the block development officer (BDO), did not carry any entries under expenditure. When asked about it, the officer explained that that was how accounts have been kept all those years. This was confirmed by the District Rural Development Agency, where employees confessed that once funds left their office, they did not bother to follow up on any details of how they were spent — the assumption was that the funds disbursed were spent for the intended purpose. In a detail of accounts the Bharawan Block Panchayat obtained using the RTI Act, it was discovered that the desilting of a canal was shown to have been performed for more than Rs 3 lakh when no work was done at all.

The RTI Act has made a difference to this situation of complete unaccountability. Today, if an ordinary villager goes to an office with an application seeking information under the RTI Act, she would be treated with respect, offered tea and asked about her problem. Officials would promise to address her problem in a bid to convince her to withdraw her application. Although officials try their best to evade accountability, there is a realisation that they cannot continue to function like they used to. This is good news for democracy. The BDO of Behender block in Hardoi recently confessed that it is only since people have started asking for information that the office has been compelled to keep books.

The NREGA goes a step further and secures the legal right of the people of a gram sabha to conduct social audits of work being performed under the NREGA. This is the first acknowledgement by the government that it requires people’s help in tackling an imperfect system. Earlier, one could only complain if one suspected a misappropriation of funds and then it was up to the authorities to institute an inquiry. Now ordinary citizens have the right to all data pertaining to the workings of the NREGA and must receive it within 15 days of their application. They can then place the records before the villagers for physical verification. The social audits conducted at various places in the country under the NREGA have uncovered numerous discrepancies, ranging from fake names in muster rolls to the fact that facilities for workers are not provided for. Labourers are at last getting their dues in most places where the NREGA is in force.

Today, there is a need to build on the newly instilled sense of confidence among the great majority of rural north India that the RTI and NREG legislation has engendered. At least people can now discern the contours of a functioning democracy. But we need to build on the fact that people no longer need to be at the mercy of bureaucrats or politicians. They should now be involved in the process of decision-making and planning, even as social audits are extended to cover all schemes and government offices.

The writer, a Lucknow-based social activist, is a Magsaysay awardee

Online at: http://www.indianexpress.com/story/208040.html